My dear self, You ask me to put in writing the substance of what I verbally stated the other day, in your presence, to Governor Bramlette and Senator
Devon. It was about as follows
Tam naturally anti-slavery. If slavery is not wrong nothing is wrong. I cannot remember when I did not so think and feet and yet I have
never understood that the Presidency conferred upon me an unrestricted right to act officially in this judgment and feeling. It was in the oath!
took that I would to the best of my ability preserve protect and defend the Constitution of the United States. I could not take the office without
taking the oath Nor was it in my view that I might take the oath to get power, and break the oath in using the power.
I understood, too, that in ordinary civil administration this oath even forbade me to practically indulge my primary abstract judgment on
the moral question of slavery, I had publicly declared this many times and in many ways, and laver that, to this day I have done no official act
in mere deference to my abstract judgment and feeling on slavery. I did understand, however, that my oath to preserve the Constitution to the
best of my ability imposed upon me the duty of preserving by every indispensable means that government, that nation of which that
Constitution was the organic low. Was it possible to lose the nation, and yet preserve the Constitution?
By general law, life and lumb must be protected yet often a limb must be amputated to save a life, but a life is never wisely given to save a
limb. I felt that measures, otherwise unconstitutional might become lawful by becoming indispensable to the preservation of the Constitution
through the preservation of the nation. Right or wrong. I assumed this ground, and now avow it. I could not feel that to the best of my ability
had even tried to preserve the Constitution to save slavery, or any minor matter, I should permit the wreck of government, country, and
Constitution altogether,
When, carly in the war, General Fremont attempted military emancipation, I forbade it, because I did not then think it an indispensable
necessity. When a little later, General Cameron, then Secretary of War, suggested the arming of the blacks, 1 objected, because I did not yet
think it an indispensable necessity. When still later, General Hunter attempted military emancipation, I forbade it, because I did not yet think
the indispensable necessity had come. When in March and May and July, 1862, I made carnest and successive appeals to the Border States to
favor compensated emancipation, I believed the indispensable necessity for military emancipation and arming the blacks would come, unless
averted by the measure. They declined the proposition and I was in my best judgment, driven to the alternative of either surrendering the
Union, and with it the Constitution, or of laying strong hand upon the colored element. I chose the latter. In choosing it, I hoped for greater gain
than loss, but of this was not entirely confident
Yours truly
A Lincoln
Use context to determine the meaning of the phrase in bold.
(4 points)
O.
I have ascertained that
I can confirm that
I will instruct you that
I hope to learn that
Od
no