10.
A production possibilities curve shows the relationship between the production of which two items?
O any two categories of goods
O two types of factory goods only
O farm goods and factory goods only
O two types of farm goods only

the bar kochba rebellion (132-135) against the roman empire, also known as the second jewish-roman war, was the second major jewish revolt in judea and the last of the great jewish-roman wars.

after the first jewish-roman war of the years 66-73, the roman authorities took measures to crush any new attempt of rebellion in judea. his political situation was modified and instead of a prefect a governor of praetorian rank was appointed, and in the ruins of jerusalem the seat of a complete roman legion, the legio x fretensis was established.

the political and religious direction of the jewish people was left in the hands of the sanhedrin, with initial headquarters in yavne.

the direct causes of the rebellion vary according to the source. the roman historian dio cassius (155-229) attributes the revolt to the decision of hadrian to found in the place of jerusalem a roman city called aelia capitolina (aelia by its own name and capitolina in honor of the roman god jupiter). on the other hand, the jewish sources, while recognizing this resolution as true, assign higher priority to the decrees dictated by hadrian that forbade the brit milah (circumcision), the respect of the sabbath and the laws of purity in the family.

hadrian's intention was to "civilize" and incorporate the jews once and for all into the greco-roman culture. for greek and roman culture, circumcision was an intolerable mutilation.

the jewish tradition tells in the midrash tanjuma a meeting between rabbi akiva and the governor turnus rufus, where he asked for an explanation about the circumcision.

an additional legion, the legio vi ferrata, moved to the province to maintain order, and work began in the year 131 after the governor of judea, turnus rufus performed the founding ceremony of aelia capitolina. a roman coin with the inscription aelia capitolina was struck in the year 132.

the tannaim rabbi akiva, who without being named nasi directed the sanhedrin, convinced the other members to support the imminent rebellion.

the jewish leaders carefully planned the second rebellion to avoid the numerous errors that had been committed in the first one. in the year 132 the rebellion led by bar kochba quickly expanded from modiim throughout the country, defeating the x roman legion based in jerusalem and destroying the xxii roman legion that had come from egypt.

the results of roman expansion produced social conflict and civil war. julius caesar gained power and became a dictator but was then assassinated. the reign of augustus began a long period of imperial rule and peace in the roman empire. rome faced the problems of how to maintain peace, law, and order.

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in the united states, the president is controlled by the

constitution, and in all respects subordinate to it. insofar

as it deals with presidential power, however, the american

constitution has proved to be a highly malleable document.

with very few exceptions,' the constitutional provisions relating to the president have not been changed at all since

they were ratified in 1787. but in the late twentieth century, those provisions do not mean what they meant in

1787. the constitution is a legal document, and it is enforced judicially; but its meaning was hardly fixed when it

was ratified. in particular, the contemporary president has

far broader powers than the original constitution contemplated. it is remarkable but true that large-scale changes in

the authority of the president have been brought about

without changes in the constitutional text, but nevertheless

without significant illegality.

this is a paradox. is it not clear that constitutional

changes, if not textual, are illegal? the paradox has considerable relevance to our current thinking about the presidency in particular and about constitutionalism in general.

perhaps the framers of the american constitution feared

legislative power most of all; 2 but from well-known events

in the twentieth century, it is possible to conclude that it is

presidential power that holds out the greatest risks to both

liberty and democracy. the president is by far the most visible leader in the nation; he is often the only person in government with a national constituency. moreover, he is