Discuss the ways in which the relationship between the federal government and state governments has changed over time, then explain whether you think things have changed for better or for worse and why.

About a year ago, on the eve of the start of the 2017-2018 federal electoral process (and the concurrent local elections in 30 federal entities), some voices with access to the media spread the species of which there was a political regression in Mexico which would equate the electoral contest of 2018 with that of 1988.

The slogan was an obvious falsehood, devoid of facts, circumstances, evidence and proportions, loaded with ignorance and bad faith. The public ecosystems of such a stridency did not last long, but perhaps they are the distrust of those who from the moment have been eliminated in the guarantees of democratic elections. The development of the campaigns, the organization of the elections and their results showed that 2018 is nothing like 1988. They are separated by 30 years in which the democratic transition is consummated, the plurality of political representation consolidated, the alternation in power became habitual, and the exercise of power remained subject to institutional balances and counterweights.

Precisely the political crisis caused by the 1988 elections accelerated the engine of democratic transition. In 1989 an electoral reform was made whose best result was the Federal Electoral Institute, as a professional body and with technical autonomy. The first alternation occurred in a state government (Baja California); a gradual process began to extend political rights of the inhabitants of the Federal District; the judiciary reformed and acquired more independence; in the states, electoral institutes similar to the IFE were created; public freedoms and freedom of the press expanded significantly; in 1996 full autonomy was granted to the IFE, and the Electoral Tribunal of the Judicial Branch of the Federation was created, endowed with independence and broad powers; public financing to the parties was increased and regulated to favor fair competition; in 1997 the PRI lost for the first time the absolute majority in the Chamber of Deputies, the PRD won the government of the Federal District and the PAN increased its state and municipal governments; federalism began to be a reality; the alternation in power became habitual at the local level and, in 2000, also at the federal level. Only 12 years after that troubled year of 1988, Mexico's political regime had changed radically and peacefully. He had moved from authoritarianism to democracy.

the first lok sabha in 1951 had 22 women mps. the current lok sabha has 66. in the span of 54 years and 16 lok sabha elections it amounts to a three- fold increase in the number of women mps that made their way to the lower house of the parliament. from 5% in 1951, women mps constitute 12.2% of the lok sabha today. the rise in numbers has been steady through the years, both in absolute numbers and percentages. the notable exceptions have been the dip in numbers during the 6th lok sabha in 1977, the 9th lok sabha in 1989 and most recently the 14th lok sabha in 2004. the trends show a marked and steady increase from 1991 onwards to the present lok sabha. the 1991 figures show a jump from 5% in the previous lok sabha to 7% and the steady increase from thereon (except for 2004). it would be interesting to understand the factors for this watershed year and continuous rise and also the fall in numbers during 2004.

s no year number of women mps percentage of women mps

1 1951 22 4.50%

2 1957 22 4.45%

3 1962 31 6.28%

4 1967 29 5.58%

5 1971 28 5.41%

6 1977 19 3.51%

7 1980 28 5.29%

8 1984 43 7.95%

9 1989 29 5.48%

10 1991 39 7.30%

11 1996 40 7.37%

12 1998 43 7.92%

13 1999 49 9.02%

14 2004 45 8.29%

15 2009 59 10.87%

16 2014 66 12.15%

the average representation of women mps( 12.15%) is higher than the national average of women mlas in state assemblies, which stands at a dismal 9%. while the numbers have increased over the years, the percentage of women that make up the lok sabha even today is not a figure to be proud of, especially when the ideal number should be at 33% at least. we still have a long way to go.

percentage of women mps in various lok sabhaswomen contestants in elections to the lok sabha

central to the question of women’s representation in lok sabha is the appetite for women to take the political plunge and jump into the fray along with and against male candidates, getting tickets from their respective parties to contest elections and finally winning the seats that they contest. while popular perception might be that few women are willing to or have taken the political plunge, number of women contestants tells an interesting story. between 1957(the earliest data available) and 2015, the total number of women contestants has increased from 45 to 668. that is a whopping 15 fold increase in the number of women contesting. if we looked at the data for male contestants for the same years, the number has increased from 1474 to 7583, a five- fold increase. the 15 fold increase in women contestants indicates towards the growing appetite for women to enter the political fray and willingness to be part of political decision-making.

number of female contenstants in various lok sabha elections

explanation: