Social Studies, 18.03.2020 23:31 darlene93

Explain the three main sociological perspectives. Use any one perspective to analyze a real world social problem such as homelessness, teenage pregnancy, high school student dropout rates, crime, drugs, terrorism or divorce.

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Answer from: eddyreynoso5025

The sociological perspective consists of studying and interpreting society as an objective of analysis.

Symbolic Interactionism represents a potential for understanding different aspects of organizational life, complementing other theoretical perspectives normally used in this field of study. In an effort to exemplify such potentiality, it seeks to elucidate some themes in organizational studies that have been benefited by the symbolic interactionist approach, whose possibilities of contribution continue providing opportunities for the development of new research, among them: studies of language, culture, socialization and status in organizations. They are woven, still, some considerations about the methodological aspects related to the operationalization of the basic assumptions of symbolic interactionism, which although it is known and discussed as a theoretical perspective suitable for conducting investigations qualitative, its assumptions are also compatible with quantitative methods. It is understood that, by enabling the adoption of qualitative and quantitative approaches, facilitating including the combination of multiple research methods, symbolic interactionism offers the possibility of a richer and more complete understanding of organizational issues. Finally, it should be noted that the adoption of symbolic interactionism as a theoretical perspective solves all problems related to the choice and use of methods in research.

Functionalism is a theory adapted to different fields of knowledge, such as philosophy, psychology and anthropology. Its main objective is to explain society, collective and individual actions, based on causalities, that is, functions. In this way, society, or what is observed from this theory, is understood as an organism, composed of related organs and with specific functions.

The founder of this theory was Émile Durkheim, one of the founders of sociology. His interest was to understand what are the factors that define a society, that is, what makes a society not just a collection of individuals. That is why he studied the structures that make up a society, especially at the macro level. Other authors who contributed to the functionalist theory were Hebert Spencer, Talcott Parsons and Robert Merton.

Sociological studies on conflict are, in general, considered to form a “tradition of conflict”, although apparently there is little theoretical basis in common besides a general focus on interest clashes between large social groups. Most studies have adopted the Marxist or Weberian conflict approach, and the vast majority analyze the internal conflicts of society, such as those centered on great inequalities, including social class, gender and ethnicity. The sociologies of conflict became popular in the 1960s, partly as a reaction to the dominant structural functionalist paradigm and partly in response to the increase in the number of conflicts within and between societies at the time. Functionalism seemed to be more suited to explaining consensus and conformity than conflict, and many sociologists distanced themselves from Parsons and Durkheim and turned to Marx and Weber for inspiration. Today, theories of conflict are well established and Sociology is better equipped to understand and explain phenomena such as war, terrorism and social movements.

Answer from: Quest

As citizens grow increasingly wary of whose interests are being represented in the public policy arena, especially in light of recent sensational scandals showing a cozy relationship between professional lobbyists and lawmakers, a crisis of confidence is engulfing many democratic societies across the european and north american continents. public perceptions of undue influence peddling, in which special interest groups exercise too much sway over government for self-serving purposes, have led to growing demands for the regulation of lobbyists and transparency of the policymaking process. the united states and canada have been struggling for decades to refine their systems of lobbyist regulation. of all the shortcomings of the north american model of lobbyist regulation – and there are many – transparency is not, for the most part, one of them. many european countries have also been experimenting with systems of lobbyist regulation. until recently, however, the european national experiments have produced very different results among themselves and in comparison with the north american counterparts. surprisingly, some of the earliest efforts to regulate lobbying occurred among new democratic countries in eastern europe rather than the more advanced industrial democracies of western europe. this observation stands in stark contrast to the north american experience, where lobbyist regulation emerged as an effort to manage a highly developed class of professional lobbyists within the strictures of long-standing democratic principles. the authors find that the answer to this anomaly lies in the fact that early european lobbyist regulations focused not on transparency as a means to regain public confidence in government, but on providing business interests with access to lawmakers as a means to bolster fledgling economies. this focus on access is quickly giving way to demands for transparency as many european governments, racked by scandal, are striving to salvage the public's trust. propelled largely by example from a reluctant european parliament and commission, which are themselves attempting to convince europe that a regional government is in its own interest, several european countries are beginning to make a transition from weak systems of lobbyist regulation, which emphasize business access, to strong systems of lobbyist regulation, which emphasize public transparency. in order to discern ‘best’ practices for achieving transparency through lobbying regulation, the authors first chart the regulatory systems of the united states and canada. that is followed by an analysis of all of the european lobbying regimes. the oft-expressed objection to this new trend toward transparency in europe – that professional lobbyists view such regulations as overly burdensome – is undercut by research on european and american lobbyists’ attitudes toward regulation, which are generally quite favorable. like everyone else, lobbyists realize that they have an image problem and that the best way to address that problem is by operating in the broad daylight of public transparency. finally, the authors offer recommendations on how to enhance transparency in policymaking, drawing from detailed comparisons of the north american and european models of lobbyist regulation.

Answer from: Quest

apart from being against desegregation, governor of georgia eugene talmadge opposed as well to the work progress administration, an ambitious program of the "new deal" created by president franklin d. roosevelt to overcome the great depression after world war i. talmadge disagreed with welfare spending, job training and organized labor. according to his ideas, he thought the government was spending too much money on this, and he wasn't willing to accept a wage higher than georgia's lower average wage. besides, talmadge strongly opposed to the "new deal" as he thought it had communist ideas.

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